File Name: community mobilization tools and techniques .zip
- Design & Implementation: Community Mobilization and Capacity Building
- Design & Implementation: Community Mobilization and Capacity Building
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Get involved in our campaigns and help ensure young people's health and rights. Also available in [ PDF ] format. Advocates for Youth coordinates and provides leadership and support on the Community Mobilization and Sustainability component of the Initiative.
Design & Implementation: Community Mobilization and Capacity Building
Metrics details. Despite efforts to eradicate it, open defecation remains widely practiced in India, especially in rural areas. This paper documents the strategies and processes of NBA community mobilisation for latrine promotion in these villages and assesses the strengths and limitations of the mobilisation activities. Our study revealed the lack of a consistent implementation strategy, lack of capacities and facilitation skills of NGO staff to implement sanitation programmes, political interference, challenges in accessing government financial incentives for latrine construction, and lack of clarity on the roles and responsibilities among government and NGO staff, leading to failure in translating government policies into sustainable actions.
Social divisions and village dynamics related to gender and caste further constrained the effectiveness of mobilisation activities. Meetings were often dominated by male members of upper caste households, and excluded low caste community members and views of women. Activities aimed at creating demand for sanitation and use of latrines often resonated poorly with community members. Sanitation demand generation was difficult for local implementing NGOs as village populations had lost trust in organisations due to previous indications of fraud.
Peer Review reports. Widespread open defecation remains a major cause of transmission of diarrhea [ 1 , 2 ], worm infection and trachoma worldwide [ 3 ]. Much of the disease burden associated with diarrhea and stunting in India are thought due to lack of sanitation [ 6 ]; and improving sanitation could significantly reduce this heavy burden [ 7 , 8 ].
Households were given subsidized hardware to build latrines. The CRSP failed to achieve and sustain high levels of sanitation coverage and usage [ 9 ]. To encourage communities to reach full sanitation coverage, Clean Village Awards Nirmal Gram Puraskar were introduced in to offer cash prizes to villages that achieved open defecation free status [ 11 , 12 ].
These efforts increased latrine coverage, but many households that built latrines continued to defecate in the open despite owning a functional latrine at home [ 9 , 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 ]. Evaluations of many TSC programmes found that the primary reasons why many failed to generate the expected large gains in rural demand for and use of latrines, were an over-emphasis on latrine construction and ineffective implementation of behavior change processes and IEC activities [ 11 , 12 , 13 , 15 ].
Financial incentives support continued for building latrines and were offered to more households, both BPL and those identified as above poverty line IAPL. Community mobilisation is a participatory communications approach that seeks to engage the whole community as individuals and as groups, including marginalised populations, to identify their problems, suggest solutions and initiate actions themselves [ 19 ]. Participatory approaches at community level have proved to be effective in changing sanitation behaviours and encouraging latrine adoption in rural Bangladesh, India, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and elsewhere.
Community-Led Total Sanitation CLTS is one example of a participatory approach developed in Bangladesh in the year , to change sanitation behaviours in communities specifically to end open defecation, whose success led to its adoption in communities of Asia and Africa [ 22 , 23 ]. Community health clubs, another community-led participatory methodology originally from Zimbabwe was designed to develop community cohesion and a culture of health among the target population, which subsequently led to large increases in latrine coverage, and its success led to its replication in Asia and Africa [ 24 ].
Similarly, a community mobilisation programme for sanitation developed locally in Amahara District, Ethiopia in resulted in large increases in basic latrine ownership within a year, without any financial incentives or subsidies for construction [ 25 ].
Effective community mobilisation interventions for sanitation promotion in India that used various participatory approaches including CLTS also had success increasing the latrine coverage and stimulating adoption and use. This paper presents the processes and challenges of conducting community mobilisation for latrine promotion under NBA.
The key objectives of this study were to: 1 assess the strategies and processes of community mobilisation and community triggering for latrine demand generation as implemented under the NBA, and 2 examine the challenges of executing community-based mobilisation for sanitation promotion in rural communities comprising diverse people of different castes. This study was undertaken as part of a cluster randomized health impact trial of the TSC intervention in villages of Puri District, Odisha, India [ 28 ], where the 50 intervention villages received the TSC programme between and The theory of change shown in Fig.
This study was approved by the ethics committees of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and the local collaborator - Xavier University, Bhubaneswar, Odisha. Theory of change: Community mobilisation results in raising demand, acquisition, and use of latrines among rural households of Puri District. Each Indian state was to develop its own IEC strategy, including methods such as folk, mass and outdoor media like wall painting and hoarding.
Each district then prepares a detailed IEC plan using additional strategies as needed engaging all sections of the community including the Panchayati Raj Institutions PRI - local government , cooperatives, school teachers, community health workers, Anganwadi pre-school nursery centre workers, women groups, self-help groups SHGs , etc.
Local NGOs of repute could be contracted to implement community mobilisation activities, conduct interpersonal communication IPC activities, select motivators, execute IEC such as wall paintings and street plays, and organise capacity building and training of village water and sanitation committees VWSC , PRIs and grass root functionaries.
Other APL households were supposed to self-finance and construct their own latrines. For each implementing NGO, two assigned villages were randomly selected for a total of 10 study villages. Two researchers who could understand, read, write and speak Odia the local language attended, observed and documented the processes of these promotions. Data collection began in August with the start of the training of NGO staff and continued until April Table 1 outlines the research questions, methods, indicators and tools used in this study.
The assessment involved qualitative data collection of the mobilisation activities as in Fig. FGD respondents were purposefully sampled for their insights and experiences into specific components or processes. FGDs lasted for 1—1. Using a sample frame from the attendees at the initial community meetings, we purposefully selected participants representing different community demography. All data collection tools were developed in English and translated to Odia.
All the qualitative data transcripts of FGDs and IDIs and the observation notes were collated and analysed using a thematic approach and the steps involved were: 1 familiarisation with the data by reviewing transcripts and notes and listing recurrent themes; 2 development of a coding framework for emerging themes; 3 coding the data and annotating the transcripts and observation notes; 4 rearranging the data according to the appropriate theme in N. Vivo QSR International ; and 5 interpreting the thematic data and identifying association between themes.
The village level mobilisations and promotions was subcontracted to 5 local NGOs 10 activities shown in Fig. Specific criteria was not outlined for the selection of local NGOs, but all of them had 5 or more years of experience implementing WASH and had been past partners of the lead agency.
CCs were the focal points responsible for overall implementation in the 11—12 villages and tasked with supporting the GPSFs in the delivery of all activities and monitor their work. The delegation of work and the staffing for the field execution were the same as that of the TSC villages [ 29 ]. Power point presentations, games, group exercises and picture cards with drawings of sanitation and hygiene scenarios were the methodologies used in the training.
While being occasionally supported by experts from private institutes and District Water and Sanitation Mission DWSM - a district level government agency that promotes WASH , sessions were led by just one male staff of the intermediary organisation, who seemed to lack adequate knowledge on some of the mentioned training topics.
Therefore, many of the questions of staff regarding components of NBA were left unheard, unanswered and not clarified. The field staff largely applied their existing knowledge, which could be unrelated to sanitation. They delegated a responsible and respected influential villager to call a meeting for the said date. In this first or in subsequent visits, they also got introduced to others - such as the Panchayat Samiti committee member, Anganwadi worker, adolescent girls and women SHG members.
However, in two villages of two different NGOs, the introductory meetings could not be held due to resistance by some local politicians for reasons related to corruption explained in discussion. All efforts by NGO staff, the lead agency and the intermediary organisation were blocked and none were able to rectify the situation. As a result, these two villages were dropped from the NBA intervention. Similarly, field staff in a few other villages were frequently pressured by local politicians to prioritise or de-prioritise certain communities see quotes Table 2 , Programme initiation: political interference.
One of the 5 NGOs adopted a different approach. From a gender inclusive community participation perspective, door-to-door visits appeared to be a promising way to increase awareness and demand for sanitation, especially among females.
Awareness meetings gathering villagers at a public place was convened by NGO staff in each village, where they mostly delivered a speech touching on topics around health impacts and dignity loss especially of women by open defecating, and the importance of latrines. Latrine construction was greatly emphasized and no other triggering activities were done.
Patriarchal logic were used to promote the construction of latrines and the messages frequently conveyed were:. Defecating in the open is shameful especially for women. NGO staff. We should feel ashamed that women are seen with their private parts exposed while defecating in fields, whereas at home, they are asked to keep their heads covered, under veil.
We observed, villagers were often clearly uninterested in these topics but higher financial incentive of NBA lured many villagers to attend and they were impatient to learn about the budget the NGO had for latrines, and how the latrine would be built see quotes Table 2 , Village awareness meeting: fixation with construction subsidies. Motivated by the cash incentive, many households initiated latrine construction preparations just a few days after these meetings, expecting the NGO to build latrines for them, advance all costs and organize transportation of construction materials as practiced under the TSC , and themselves making only the nominal cash and labour contribution.
Upon this not happening, many who lacked funds to finance construction on their own, abandoned their efforts. Many refused to resume the construction, if they did not get paid the initial money spent on construction. The change in supply-side execution modalities in NBA, in which NGOs were no longer pre-financing and managing the latrine construction on behalf of eligible households, made villagers realize that they were no longer dependent on the NGOs to get the cash incentive reimbursed from the government.
So they did not consider these awareness meetings important. This posed challenge for the NGOs to mobilize more people to these meetings and motivate them for latrine adoption. An important objective of these awareness meetings was to regain lost trust during previous sanitation campaigns, in which some other NGOs and individuals had fraudulently collected money from households, with the promise to build latrines. NGOs used this forum to issue alerts to villagers to not give money to anyone coming in the name of latrine construction.
With low level of participation in these meetings, it became difficult for the field staff to prepare a comprehensive list of households eligible for the cash incentives. In one out of 10 awareness meetings, we observed cards containing pictures of sanitation and hygiene scenarios being used to enable villagers distinguish between good and bad sanitation and hygiene practices.
Without a card set for each staff to carry to the field, NGOs stored the set in their offices. Other than these meetings, staff mentioned using these cards during household visits and group meetings. In IDIs with villagers, none mentioned being shown any picture cards.
We observed several other challenges encountered by the staff in mobilizing people and convening awareness meetings such as fixing a meeting date and time that suited most villagers. Fundamental logistical constraints were faced in bringing together villagers of different castes to the meeting venue and facilitating the discussion especially engaging all in the discussion see quotes Table 2 , Logistical constraints in mobilizing people for awareness meetings.
In all cases, though women joined these meetings, their numbers were very low compared to men and refused to sit with men. They allowed the men to speak on their behalf and themselves did not participate in these discussions see quotes Table 2 , Village awareness meetings: challenges engaging women.
There were no systematic attempts either by higher caste people or by the staff to overcome existing caste divisions and engaging lower caste people in these meetings and in the discussions see quotes Table 2 , Village wide meetings: exclusion of low caste members. The ward member was present in most meetings, but the Sarpanch and the government officials, whose presence was considered important, were largely absent.
This forum was eventually used to validate the village social map and prepare the list of eligible households for the cash incentive. Far fewer villagers attended interface meetings than attended awareness meetings. SC people considered lower caste were not allowed to share the same sitting space with that of higher castes.
Similarly, women did not sit with men for the same reasons as described earlier. In villages dominated by Brahmin highest caste households, the discrimination for lower caste people sharing the same platform space was particularly pronounced especially when interface meetings were held in temples, which occurred in 3 study villages. NGO staff were also not seen making dedicated efforts to mobilise more villagers to attend and those that attended could not differentiate between the objectives and outcomes of interface and awareness meetings.
The role of VWSC as explained by NGOs was to facilitate sanitation implementation in villages, like identify space and take decisions about allocating communal land for poor landless families lacking land to build latrine, mobilise credit or revolving funds to finance their construction in advance of receiving their cash incentive, and monitor latrine use post construction.
Any module nor any schedules were observed being prepared or followed for the training, indicating lack of advance planning or designing of the sessions. More effort was seen being laid on preparing lunch for the attendees than conducting the training. The learning from these trainings was to be shared with other VWSC members but in the IDIs, members frequently expressed lack of clarity on their roles and responsibilities.
Kumari Committee as a concept was conceived by the lead agency and previously implemented in the TSC villages, which was replicated in NBA villages. It is an adolescent unmarried girls group formed in each village, where its members are expected to reach out to other households in the village, motivate and encourage the family members to adopt and use latrines.
Without any restrictions on committee size, membership varied depending on the number of unmarried adolescent girls living in the village.
Design & Implementation: Community Mobilization and Capacity Building
Metrics details. Despite efforts to eradicate it, open defecation remains widely practiced in India, especially in rural areas. This paper documents the strategies and processes of NBA community mobilisation for latrine promotion in these villages and assesses the strengths and limitations of the mobilisation activities. Our study revealed the lack of a consistent implementation strategy, lack of capacities and facilitation skills of NGO staff to implement sanitation programmes, political interference, challenges in accessing government financial incentives for latrine construction, and lack of clarity on the roles and responsibilities among government and NGO staff, leading to failure in translating government policies into sustainable actions. Social divisions and village dynamics related to gender and caste further constrained the effectiveness of mobilisation activities. Meetings were often dominated by male members of upper caste households, and excluded low caste community members and views of women. Activities aimed at creating demand for sanitation and use of latrines often resonated poorly with community members.
There is no optimal strategy for mobilizing a communi- ty and various methods can be applied successfully. Meth- ods refer to the tools, techniques, and.
Experience with community-driven development CDD shows that communities already have substantial skills. Local capacity exists, but needs empowerment to be harnessed. Some extracts: Considerable institutional capacity already exists in communities and local governments.
Community mobilization is an attempt to bring both human and non-human resources together to undertake developmental activities in order to achieve sustainable development. Community mobilization is a process through which action is stimulated by a community itself, or by others, that is planned, carried out, and evaluated by a community's individuals, groups, and organizations on a participatory and sustained basis to improve the health, hygiene and education levels so as to enhance the overall standard of living in the community. In other words, it can be viewed as a process which begins a dialogue among members of the community to determine who, what, and how issues are decided, and also to provide an avenue for everyone to participate in decisions that affect their lives. Community mobilization needs many analytical and supportive resources which are internal inside the community and external outside the community as well. Resources include:.
NCBI Bookshelf. Geneva: World Health Organization; Community mobilization is the process of bringing together as many stakeholders as possible to raise people's awareness of and demand for a particular programme, to assist in the delivery of resources and services, and to strengthen community participation for sustainability and self-reliance.
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What is Community Mobilization? Community mobilization is the act of encouraging and engaging the community to participate in the creation of safe cities and communities for women and girls. This process must involve the whole community, not just the specific actors who are directly involved in a safe cities for women programme. Why is Community Mobilization Important?
mobilizing community-based organizations and faith-based organizations to eliminate syphilis in your community. Working with the Media—Strategies and methods additional resources engineersoftulsa.org.pdf.
Experience with community-driven development CDD shows that communities already have substantial skills. Local capacity exists, but needs empowerment to be harnessed. Some extracts: Considerable institutional capacity already exists in communities and local governments. This capacity has been cloaked by a lack of local empowerment to use it. Any definition of capacity that focuses only on technical capacity will miss the huge potential that exists.