File Name: definition of industrial and organizational psychology .zip
- Difference between Industrial Psychology and Organizational Psychology
- The Nature of Organizational Psychology
- HANDBOOK of PSYCHOLOGY VOLUME 12 INDUSTRIAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY
- Handbook of Research Methods in Industrial and Organizational Psychology
Organizational psychology is the science of psychology applied to work and organizations. This field of inquiry spans more than a century and covers an increasingly diverse range of topics as the nature of work and organizations continue to evolve.
Industrial psychology is concerned with people at work. Industrial psychology provides theory and research methods to personnel management. It is also called personnel psychology. A closely related field is known as organizational psychology. Traditionally, industrial psychologists have assessed differences among individual workers and have evaluated individual jobs.
Difference between Industrial Psychology and Organizational Psychology
Organizational psychology is the science of psychology applied to work and organizations. This field of inquiry spans more than a century and covers an increasingly diverse range of topics as the nature of work and organizations continue to evolve. The purpose of this chapter is to provide a concise overview of organizational psychology as a field of inquiry and the topics covered in this handbook, which endeavors to encapsulate key topics of research and application, summarize important research findings, and identify innovative directions for research and practice.
The chapter is organized around four sections. First, it begins with a brief overview of the evolution of the concept of work and the changing career model to provide a backdrop to our examination of the psychology of organizations. Second, it describes several dialectic tensions—industrial and organizational psychology, employee well-being and organizational effectiveness, basic and applied science, science and practice activities, and individual and organizational levels—that characterize organizational psychology as an applied, translational science.
The tensions are a source of challenges that require a dynamic balance, but they also create important synergies for the field. Third, I highlight important trends over the last 35 years in the evolution of the field—it is increasingly multilevel, encompassing teams, studying dynamic phenomena, and expanding its breadth of coverage—that are shaping the field, as well as its future.
Finally, I close with a tour of the structure of the volume and the topics that illustrate the breadth and diversity of this field that studies the science of psychology applied to work and organizations.
Keywords: introduction to organizational psychology , the evolution of work , dialectic tensions , evolutionary themes. People working together in organizations are the primary means by which contemporary societies accomplish the ordinary, mundane, but very important basics of everyday life which include providing food, water, clothing, shelter, and safety; managing the engines of economics, commerce, and trade; linking us via media for communication, entertainment, and enrichment; moving us by far-flung air transportation systems; and pushing the boundaries of the extraordinary by cracking the atom, putting men on the moon, and planning missions to more distal heavenly bodies.
Work is central to p. Those of you reading this chapter spent a substantial portion of your lives preparing for a career and have spent or will spend an even greater portion of your life building that career. Most people develop their careers by filling a series of roles in a single organization or across a set of different organizations. As they gain experience and enhanced competence, they seek to progress to roles with greater responsibility and concomitant material rewards.
Other people depart from this typical pattern and define their own roles, and even their own organizations, as entrepreneurs. However, whether we work in an organization or create our own, we will interact with and accomplish many of our life goals in and through organized institutions. Organizations are ubiquitous in our world and in our lives. Aside from the many material benefits provided by work and organizations, work is also an important source of identity and psychological well-being.
Work structures time and activity, it provides opportunities for social interaction and exchange, and it is a foundation for self-identity and self-esteem Jahoda, We invest on the order of 20 to 25 years in educational preparation in elementary school and high school, and occupational pre-socialization in college and post-graduate study.
Work is a vehicle for career striving for the pursuit of achievement, power, and material rewards as well as a means to satisfy psychological needs. In contemporary society, a career trajectory will span roughly 40 or more years. By retirement, nearly half of one's waking life will have been spent preparing for and engaging in work, career, and organizational life.
When work and careers are satisfying, they enhance our sense of well-being and are a major source of fulfillment. When our work life is troubled, or when it conflicts with other important life roles, it becomes a major source of tension, stress, and psychological and even physical dysfunction. Thus, the effects of work extend well beyond the bounds of the organizations in which work is embedded; work is central to adult fulfillment and well-being in most societies.
This chapter is designed to provide a broad overview of the field of organizational psychology—the psychology of human cognition, affect, behavior, and performance applied to work and organizations. Understanding the nature of organizational psychology necessitates an understanding of work as a fact of life, its cultural juxtaposition, and its evolution from ancient to modern times. An important aspect of this evolution is the shift from work as basic subsistence for maintaining existence to modern forms of work in organizations where the meaning of work is more abstract and where the outcomes—money, power, status—go beyond mere subsistence.
This introductory chapter is structured into four sections. First, I begin with a concise tracing of the evolution of work. With continued advances in technology and culture, our conceptions of work and organizations will continue to evolve.
I discuss how a dynamic balance among the contrasting poles of these tensions creates positive synergies for the field.
Third, I describe what I view as four important evolutionary trends in organizational psychology over the last 35 years: 1 the rise of multilevel theory and research that encompass the individual, group, and organizational levels; 2 the surge of interest in team effectiveness, with teams at the juncture of the individual and organizational levels; 3 the nascent interest in dynamic processes; and 4 the expanding breadth of topics covered by the field.
The fourth section, which provides an overview of the organization, structure, and coverage of the handbook, illustrates this latter trend. In designing the structure of this handbook, I was careful to represent the foundation and the core of the field, but I also attended to areas that are expanding and to areas where organizational psychology needs to build stronger linkages.
Authors p. You will find each of their contributions to provide a solid overview of the topic, a deep summary of key findings, and insightful directions for future research progress.
Any effort to briefly sketch the etiology of work over the course of human history is doomed to oversimplify and gloss over complexities in a rich and varied tapestry. However, this risk is offset by the value in realizing that conceptions of work have evolved considerably and, hence, future conceptions of work are likely to be quite different from the current views we take for granted.
For those interested in a deeper treatment of this evolution, Applebaum's Concept of Work —on which this brief sketch is based—is highly recommended.
Although one can certainly trace back further in time, work in ancient Greece and Rome was woven into the fabric of life and community. In Greece, the aristocratic oikos was a household that comprised an extended family group, with a landed estate and considerable accumulated wealth primarily from plunder and gifts.
Even with the strong class distinctions of that time, based on wealth, power, and one's type of work, everyone engaged in different forms of productive activity. Of course, those differences could be pretty big.
As Applebaum noted, Aristotle distinguished praxis , activity that has no purpose other than its intrinsic enjoyment, and poiesis , activity for a specific end state or product. The latter was viewed as a form of dependence that was not fit for a free man, who should not be burdened with labor in order to engage in a more contemplative and rewarding intellectual life. The nature of work conferred social status.
Does this sound familiar? This distinction is still viewed as important in motivational terms. The human necessity to work was part of the religious myths and philosophies of the ancient world. Just as in the Old Testament, Adam and Eve were thrust out of the garden of bliss for the sin of eating the apple, so in the Greek myths, Zeus punished mankind for the sins of Prometheus. He could no longer attain the wherewithal for life for free or without cost.
The products of nature would henceforth yield themselves up to humankind only in pure form. They would be unusable unless welded to the fire of work, unformed unless molded into new shapes through the use of tools, and unconsumable unless they were cooked with fire. Applebaum, , p. Before the relentless invasions began, peasants owned or rented the land. Later, they needed protection, which was exchanged for social obligations. They were obliged to work the land for the king or lord and to exchange labor or products.
Work was communal and, although entailing more complex social structures, was still closely connected to the rhythm of daily life. In addition, craft guilds and the apprenticeship system developed, serving as a source of both social organization and social mobility. And, essentially, so it went for hundreds of years.
The rise of market-based economies and the use of currency begin to separate work from its intimacy with the fabric of life. The basic activities of growing food, raising animals for food and clothing, potting, and so on, are all related to agricultural-based economies. Separating work from direct sustenance made it more of an abstraction: the exchange of effort in return for compensation.
The Protestant attitude toward work is the beginning of the modern concept of work, and it is convenient to locate this great change with the ideas of Luther. This new attitude toward work has also been merged with the notion that Protestantism and its perspectives on work were also the ideological precursors for capitalism and its work ethic. This latter notion was created by Max Weber in his seminal essay on the Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism The revolutionary aspect of Luther he did not support commerce, since it was not real work, or profit, since the purpose of work was just p.
The roots of this notion go back to Aristotle, as noted previously. With Calvinism came a new view toward work. All must work, even the rich. Hard work stems from religious conviction. Idleness, luxury, anything soft is to be shunned.
Hard work to cleanse the soul is taken as a religious duty. Calvin also taught that it was one's duty to strive for social advancement. Subsequent reformation efforts by the Puritans coupled their ethics with the principles of modern capitalism. And so we marry up with more contemporary views of work prevalent in the latter half of the twentieth century. In many ways, contemporary views of work and careers and their relationship to organizations are bound within this historical perspective.
The evolution of work provides the base, but our conception is largely rooted in recent history that has unfolded over the last half century or so. Following the destruction wrought by World War II, developed societies, including those devastated by the conflict, embarked on a period of economic expansion unparalleled in human history.
In exchange for their effort, loyalty, and hard work, people were rewarded with material benefits and career opportunities as companies grew. There have been, to be sure, some incremental changes in this traditional perspective as historically disenfranchised groups of people sought, and continue to seek, more inclusion in this model. The basic nature of the exchange relationship between individuals and organizations, however, remained intact from post—World War II up to the mids and s.
That traditional model, if it ever was truly descriptive of career development, is now in the midst of dramatic revision. A revolution is taking place in the world of work in which this traditional model is unlikely to survive. There are a multitude of environmental forces operating to change organizations in ways that will upend the traditional views of work as well.
Organizations are increasingly multinational, cutting across what used to be impenetrable cultural, political, and economic system barriers. Indeed, the political and economic barriers between capitalism and Marxism erected in the aftermath of World War II have mostly fallen by the wayside.
Competition is increasingly global, creating pressures for firms to meet higher standards of efficiency, quality, and flexibility. Technological innovation in both product what is made and process how it is made continues to accelerate rapidly, contributing to the obsolescence of work skills, technical knowledge, and jobs, and even to the decline of companies and entire industries. Organizations attempt to respond to these forces in a number of different ways. They merge or acquire other organizations in an effort to eliminate competitors or to purchase specific kinds of expertise that they need to compete effectively.
They reorganize their structure in an effort to enhance responsiveness, flexibility, and efficiency. They shut down obsolete manufacturing plants and invest in advanced manufacturing technologies to improve product quality and consistency.
They may even move jobs to other parts of the world where labor costs are low. These efforts to respond oftentimes result in workforce reductions as organizations close manufacturing plants, reduce p. Many companies reduce their workforces as part of a general retrenchment process in response to poor economic performance.
The Nature of Organizational Psychology
Industrial and organizational psychology I-O psychology which is also known as occupational psychology, organizational psychology, or work and organizational psychology; is an applied discipline within psychology. Industrial, work and organizational psychology IWO is the broader global term for the field internationally. The discipline is the science of human behavior relating to work and applies psychological theories and principles to organizations and individuals in their places of work as well as the individual's work-life more generally. They contribute to an organization's success by improving the performance, motivation , job satisfaction , and occupational safety and health as well as the overall health and well-being of its employees. An I-O psychologist conducts research on employee behaviors and attitudes, and how these can be improved through hiring practices, training programs, feedback, and management systems.
Industrial-organizational psychology , formerly called industrial psychology , application of concepts and methods from several subspecialties of the discipline such as learning , motivation , and social psychology to business and institutional settings. The field of I-O psychology contributed to the development of human factors engineering, or ergonomics , which involves designing equipment e. See also applied psychology. Industrial-organizational psychology Article Additional Info. While every effort has been made to follow citation style rules, there may be some discrepancies. Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions. Facebook Twitter.
HANDBOOK of PSYCHOLOGY VOLUME 12 INDUSTRIAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY
Industrial-organizational psychology is the branch of psychology that applies psychological theories and principles to organizations. Often referred to as I-O psychology, this field focuses on increasing workplace productivity and related issues such as the physical and mental well-being of employees. Industrial-organizational psychologists perform a wide variety of tasks, including studying worker attitudes and behavior, evaluating companies, and conducting leadership training. The overall goal of this field is to study and understand human behavior in the workplace.
Skip to search form Skip to main content You are currently offline. Some features of the site may not work correctly. DOI:
Skip to search form Skip to main content You are currently offline. Some features of the site may not work correctly. DOI: Dunnette Published Sociology. An up-to-date handbook on conceptual and methodological issues relevant to the study of industrial and organizational behavior.
Handbook of Research Methods in Industrial and Organizational Psychology
Often referred to as I-O psychology, this field focuses on increasing workplace productivity and related issues such as the physical and mental well-being of employees. Define industrial psychology. As Industrial Psychology is mainly concerned with studying different aspects of human behavior in the work environment, it has tremendous scope. Jump to Page. Ethics and Values in Industrial-Organizational Psychology was one of the first books to integrate work from moral philosophy, moral psychology, I-O psychology, and political and social economy, as well as business. You are on page 1 of 4.
Как доказательство, что он отслеживал все связанное с Цифровой крепостью. Я собирался передать всю эту информацию в прессу. Сердце у Сьюзан бешено забилось. Правильно ли она поняла. Все сказанное было вполне в духе Грега Хейла. Но это невозможно. Если бы Хейлу был известен план Стратмора выпустить модифицированную версию Цифровой крепости, он дождался бы, когда ею начнет пользоваться весь мир, и только тогда взорвал бы свою бомбу, пока все доказательства были бы в его руках.
Двадцатисемилетняя Кармен Хуэрта была поваром-кондитером в столовой АН Б. Бринкерхофф провел с ней наедине несколько приятных и, как ему казалось, тайных встреч в кладовке. Мидж злорадно подмигнула. - Никогда не забывай, Чед, что Большой Брат знает. Большой Брат. Бринкерхофф отказывался в это поверить.
PDF | dictionary of industrial and organizational psychology | Find, read and cite all the research you need on ResearchGate.
Edited by Steve W. J. Kozlowski
Должно ведь быть какое-то объяснение. - Оно есть, - кивнул Стратмор. - Тебя оно не обрадует. - В ТРАНСТЕКСТЕ сбой. - ТРАНСТЕКСТ в полном порядке.
Беккер заговорил на чистейшем немецком: - Мне нужно с вами поговорить. Мужчина смотрел на него недовольно. - Was wollen Sie. Что вам. Беккер понял, что ему следовало заранее отрепетировать разговор, прежде чем колотить в дверь. Он искал нужные слова.
Левый крайний Джорджтауна, подавая угловой, отправил мяч в аут, и трибуны негодующе загудели. Защитники поспешили на свою половину поля. - А ты? - спросил Беккер. - Что предпочитаешь. - У меня черный пояс по дзюдо. Беккер поморщился.
Раковина была очень грязной, но вода оказалась холодной, и это было приятно. Плеснув водой в глаза, Беккер ощутил, как стягиваются поры.
Сьюзан была ошеломлена. ТРАНСТЕКСТ еще никогда не сталкивался с шифром, который не мог бы взломать менее чем за один час. Обычно же открытый текст поступал на принтер Стратмора за считанные минуты.