Understanding Kashmir And Kashmiris Pdf

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Kashmir , region of the northwestern Indian subcontinent. It is bounded by the Uygur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang to the northeast and the Tibet Autonomous Region to the east both parts of China , by the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Punjab to the south, by Pakistan to the west, and by Afghanistan to the northwest. The region, with a total area of some 85, square miles , square km , has been the subject of dispute between India and Pakistan since the partition of the Indian subcontinent in The northern and western portions are administered by Pakistan and comprise three areas: Azad Kashmir , Gilgit , and Baltistan , the last two being part of a territory called the Northern Areas. Administered by India are the southern and southeastern portions, Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh.

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The Kashmir conflict is a territorial conflict over the Kashmir region , primarily between India and Pakistan , with China playing a third-party role. It is a dispute over the region that escalated into three wars between India and Pakistan and several other armed skirmishes. Since , Kashmiri protest movements were created to voice Kashmir's disputes and grievances with the Indian government in the Indian-controlled Kashmir Valley , [17] [18] with some Kashmiri separatists in armed conflict with the Indian government based on the demand for self-determination.

The Kashmir unrest began after an alleged fake encounter between local youth and security forces. According to scholars, Indian forces have committed many human rights abuses and acts of terror against the Kashmiri civilian population, including extrajudicial killing , rape , torture, and enforced disappearances. The Raja of Jammu Gulab Singh , who was a vassal of the Sikh Empire and an influential noble in the Sikh court, sent expeditions to various border kingdoms and ended up encircling Kashmir by Gulab Singh took the title of the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir.

From till the partition of India , Kashmir was ruled by maharajas of Gulab Singh's Dogra dynasty , as a princely state under British Paramountcy.

The British Raj managed the defence, external affairs, and communications for the princely state and stationed a British Resident in Srinagar to oversee the internal administration. According to the census, the state's population was 77 percent Muslim, 20 percent Hindu and 3 percent others Sikhs and Buddhists. British rule in the Indian subcontinent ended in with the creation of new states: the dominions of Pakistan and India , as the successor states to British India.

The British Paramountcy over the Indian princely states ended. According to the Indian Independence Act , "the suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian States lapses, and with it, all treaties and agreements in force at the date of the passing of this Act between His Majesty and the rulers of Indian States". Jammu and Kashmir, the largest of the princely states, had a predominantly Muslim population ruled by the Hindu Maharaja Hari Singh. He decided to stay independent because he expected that the State's Muslims would be unhappy with accession to India, and the Hindus and Sikhs would become vulnerable if he joined Pakistan.

Observers and scholars interpret this action as a tilt towards accession to India. Pakistan made various efforts to persuade the Maharaja of Kashmir to join Pakistan. In July , Mohammad Ali Jinnah is believed to have written to the Maharaja promising "every sort of favourable treatment," followed by the lobbying of the State's Prime Minister by leaders of Jinnah's Muslim League party. Faced with the Maharaja's indecision on accession, the Muslim League agents clandestinely worked in Poonch to encourage the local Muslims to an armed revolt , exploiting an internal unrest regarding economic grievances.

The authorities in Pakistani Punjab waged a 'private war' by obstructing supplies of fuel and essential commodities to the State.

One plan called for organising an armed insurgency in the western districts of the state and the other for organising a Pushtoon tribal invasion. Both were set in motion. The Jammu division of the state got caught up in the Partition violence.

Large numbers of Hindus and Sikhs from Rawalpindi and Sialkot started arriving in March , bringing "harrowing stories of Muslim atrocities.

The Maharaja himself was implicated in some instances. A large number of Muslims were killed. Others fled to West Pakistan, some of whom made their way to the western districts of Poonch and Mirpur, which were undergoing rebellion. Many of these Muslims believed that the Maharaja ordered the killings in Jammu which instigated the Muslims in West Pakistan to join the uprising in Poonch and help in the formation of the Azad Kashmir government.

The rebel forces in the western districts of Jammu were organised under the leadership of Sardar Ibrahim , a Muslim Conference leader. They took control of most of the western parts of the State by 22 October.

Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan , the Maharaja's nominee for his next prime minister, visited Nehru and Patel in Delhi on 19 September , requesting essential supplies which had been blockaded by Pakistan since the beginning of September.

He communicated the Maharaja's willingness to accede to India. Nehru, however, demanded that the jailed political leader, Sheikh Abdullah , be released from prison and involved in the state government. Only then would he allow the state to accede. The Maharaja's troops could not withstand the tribal militia attack in September and October ; they were heavily outnumbered and outgunned by the tribal militias, and were also facing internal rebellions from Muslim troops. The Maharaja made an urgent plea to Delhi for military assistance.

Upon the Governor General Lord Mountbatten 's insistence, India required the Maharaja to accede before it could send troops. Accordingly, the Maharaja signed an instrument of accession on 26 October , which was accepted by the Governor General the next day. In the words of the National Conference leader Syed Mir Qasim , India had the "legal" as well as "moral" justification to send in the army through the Maharaja's accession and the people's support of it.

The Indian troops, which were airlifted in the early hours of 27 October, secured the Srinagar airport. The city of Srinagar was being patrolled by the National Conference volunteers with Hindus and Sikhs moving about freely among Muslims, an "incredible sight" to visiting journalists. The National Conference also worked with the Indian Army to secure the city.

In the north of the state lay the Gilgit Agency , which had been leased by British India but returned to the Maharaja shortly before Independence. Gilgit's population did not favour the State's accession to India.

The bloodless coup d'etat was planned by Brown to the last detail under the code name " Datta Khel ". According to historian Yaqoob Khan Bangash, the provisional government lacked sway over the population which had intense pro-Pakistan sentiments.

Rebel forces from the western districts of the State and the Pakistani Pakhtoon tribesmen [note 3] [note 4] made rapid advances into the Baramulla sector. In the Kashmir valley, National Conference volunteers worked with the Indian Army to drive out the 'raiders'. The Pakistan army made available arms, ammunition and supplies to the rebel forces who were dubbed the "Azad Army".

Pakistani army officers "conveniently" on leave and the former officers of the Indian National Army were recruited to command the forces. In May , the Pakistani army officially entered the conflict, in theory to defend the Pakistan borders, but it made plans to push towards Jammu and cut the lines of communications of the Indian forces in the Mendhar valley. Christine Fair notes that this was the beginning of Pakistan using irregular forces and "asymmetric warfare" to ensure plausible deniability, which has continued ever since.

On 1 November , Mountbatten flew to Lahore for a conference with Jinnah , proposing that, in all the princely States where the ruler did not accede to a Dominion corresponding to the majority population which would have included Junagadh , Hyderabad as well as Kashmir , the accession should be decided by an "impartial reference to the will of the people".

Jinnah rejected the offer. According to Indian scholar A. Noorani , Jinnah ended up squandering his leverage. The massacres would only end with the Indian Army recapturing Rajouri in April On 25 November, the Pakistani tribesmen and soldiers attacked and took over Mirpur , and began the Mirpur Massacre of Hindus and Sikhs in the area.

Rapes and other crimes were also committed during the aftermath. According to Jinnah, India acquired the accession through "fraud and violence". He was willing to urge Junagadh to accede to India in return for Kashmir. For a plebiscite, Jinnah demanded simultaneous troop withdrawal for he felt that 'the average Muslim would never have the courage to vote for Pakistan' in the presence of Indian troops and with Sheikh Abdullah in power.

When Mountbatten countered that the plebiscite could be conducted by the United Nations, Jinnah, hoping that the invasion would succeed and Pakistan might lose a plebiscite, again rejected the proposal, stating that the Governors Generals should conduct it instead.

Mountbatten noted that it was untenable given his constitutional position and India did not accept Jinnah's demand of removing Sheikh Abdullah. Prime Ministers Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan met again in December, when Nehru informed Khan of India's intention to refer the dispute to the United Nations under article 35 of the UN Charter, which allows the member states to bring to the Security Council attention situations 'likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace'.

Nehru and other Indian leaders were afraid since that the "temporary" accession to India might act as an irritant to the bulk of the Muslims of Kashmir. Menon, Secretary in Patel's Ministry of States, admitted in an interview in that India had been absolutely dishonest on the issue of plebiscite.

Noorani blames many Indian and Pakistani leaders for the misery of Kashmiri people but says that Nehru was the main culprit. The measure called for an immediate cease-fire and called on the Government of Pakistan 'to secure the withdrawal from the state of Jammu and Kashmir of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals not normally resident therein who have entered the state for the purpose of fighting. One sticking point was whether the Azad Kashmiri army was to be disbanded during the truce stage or at the plebiscite stage.

A two-part process was proposed for the withdrawal of forces. In the first part, Pakistan was to withdraw its forces as well as other Pakistani nationals from the state.

In the second part, "when the Commission shall have notified the Government of India" that Pakistani withdrawal has been completed, India was to withdraw the bulk of its forces. After both the withdrawals were completed, a plebiscite would be held. The Indian government considered itself to be under legal possession of Jammu and Kashmir by virtue of the accession of the state. The assistance given by Pakistan to the rebel forces and the Pakhtoon tribes was held to be a hostile act and the further involvement of the Pakistan army was taken to be an invasion of Indian territory.

From the Indian perspective, the plebiscite was meant to confirm the accession, which was in all respects already complete, and Pakistan could not aspire to an equal footing with India in the contest.

The Pakistan government held that the state of Jammu and Kashmir had executed a standstill agreement with Pakistan which precluded it from entering into agreements with other countries.

It also held that the Maharaja had no authority left to execute accession because his people had revolted and he had to flee the capital. It believed that the Azad Kashmir movement, as well as the tribal incursions, were indigenous and spontaneous, and Pakistan's assistance to them was not open to criticism.

In short, India required an asymmetric treatment of the two countries in the withdrawal arrangements, regarding Pakistan as an 'aggressor', whereas Pakistan insisted on parity. The UN mediators tended towards parity, which was not to India's satisfaction. Cold War historian Robert J. McMahon states that American officials increasingly blamed India for rejecting various UNCIP truce proposals under various dubious legal technicalities just to avoid a plebiscite.

McMahon adds that they were "right" since a Muslim majority made a vote to join Pakistan the "most likely outcome" and postponing the plebiscite would serve India's interests. Scholars have commented that the failure of the Security Council efforts of mediation owed to the fact that the Council regarded the issue as a purely political dispute without investigating its legal underpinnings.

The UNCIP appointed its successor, Sir Owen Dixon , to implement demilitarisation prior to a statewide plebiscite on the basis of General McNaughton's scheme, and to recommend solutions to the two governments. Dixon then offered an alternative proposal, widely known as the Dixon plan. Dixon did not view the state of Jammu and Kashmir as one homogeneous unit and therefore proposed that a plebiscite be limited to the Valley.

Dixon agreed that people in Jammu and Ladakh were clearly in favour of India; equally clearly, those in Azad Kashmir and the Northern Areas wanted to be part of Pakistan. This left the Kashmir Valley and 'perhaps some adjacent country' around Muzaffarabad in uncertain political terrain.

Dixon also had concerns that the Kashmiris, not being high-spirited people, may vote under fear or improper influences. This was not acceptable to India which rejected the Dixon plan.

Another grounds for India's rejection of the limited plebiscite was that it wanted Indian troops to remain in Kashmir for "security purposes", but would not allow Pakistani troops the same. However, Dixon's plan had encapsulated a withdrawal by both sides.

Dixon had believed a neutral administration would be essential for a fair plebiscite. Dixon came to the conclusion that India would never agree to conditions and a demilitarization which would ensure a free and fair plebiscite.

Pakistan protested to the Security Council which informed India that this development conflicted with the parties' commitments. The National Conference rejected this resolution and Nehru supported this by telling Dr Graham that he would receive no help in implementing the Resolution.

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Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris

Since , India and Pakistan have been locked in conflict over Kashmir, a majority-Muslim region in the northernmost part of India. The mountainous, 86,square-mile territory was once a princely state. Now, it is claimed by both India and Pakistan. From the 17th to the 20th century, Britain ruled most of the Indian subcontinent, first indirectly through the British East India Company, then from directly through the British crown.

Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris

Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Want to Read saving…. Want to Read Currently Reading Read. Other editions. Enlarge cover. Error rating book.

He has worked with government, business and universities; currently, he is working as a professor at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, Honolulu, Hawaii. The result is a vivid masterpiece of impartial analysis. This is the best book about Kashmir. Snedden understands Kashmir, and so will his readers. He has also made use of his expertise in and concern for Kashmir to point towards a possible solution to this long-running conflict, one which many Kashmiris will warmly endorse. It provides a balanced understanding of a subject which continues to evoke conflict and polemical scholarship in South Asia.

The Parchment of Kashmir pp Cite as. In this chapter, I situate myself within the debate about the value of identity politics in Kashmir in pre-and postcolonial times. Kashmiri identity is not only highly politicized, but also loaded with past memories, alienation, mourning, and also the emancipatory political movements of the s. Kashmiri identity has remained resistant to the incursions of alien non-Kashmiri rule from , when the Mughals annexed Kashmir. It has remained equally impervious to the politics of politico-constitutional integration of Indian states after the independence of India.

Download Free Kashmir Books

The Kashmir conflict is a territorial conflict over the Kashmir region , primarily between India and Pakistan , with China playing a third-party role. It is a dispute over the region that escalated into three wars between India and Pakistan and several other armed skirmishes. Since , Kashmiri protest movements were created to voice Kashmir's disputes and grievances with the Indian government in the Indian-controlled Kashmir Valley , [17] [18] with some Kashmiri separatists in armed conflict with the Indian government based on the demand for self-determination.

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Since , India and Pakistan have been locked in conflict over Kashmir, a majority-Muslim region in the northernmost part of India. The mountainous, 86,square-mile territory was once a princely state. Now, it is claimed by both India and Pakistan. From the 17th to the 20th century, Britain ruled most of the Indian subcontinent, first indirectly through the British East India Company, then from directly through the British crown.

Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris

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Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris. Hurst and Company, London, pp. xix + Maps. Tables. Appendices. Glossary. Notes. Bibliog. Index. Pb. £

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Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris, by Christopher Snedden, UK: Hurst & Co.​, , pp. , £ Priyanka Singh*. Since , the protracted issue of.

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Understanding Kashmir and Kashmiris. Christopher Snedden. The seemingly intractable Kashmir dispute and the fate of the Kashmiris throughout South Asia.

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